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U.S. and India move to elevate defense ties as part of deepening strategic relationship

India Report by John E. Carbaugh, Jr.
August 28, 2003

The U.S. and India are hoping to take their defense cooperation to a higher plane, anchoring what could be a future strategic partnership between the two nations.

U.S. and Indian defense officials recently met to discuss specific areas for deeper military cooperation. Sources say that some of these areas have great potential, while other areas could create some difficulties between the two nations, including over the sensitive issue of technology transfer.

PROGRESS MADE, MORE TO COME

However, U.S. officials with inside knowledge of the military cooperation believe there is a huge upside to deepening defense ties with India, which could even pave the way for an eventual strategic alliance between Washington and New Delhi.

In his final policy speech as U.S. Ambassador to India, Robert Blackwill highlighted defense cooperation as one of the most critical areas in the ongoing transformation of U.S.-India relations, pointing to both to a huge increase in joint military exercises and other exchanges, and renewed defense sales between the two nations.

“To put it directly, U.S. military personnel like interacting with their Indian counterparts because they both come from professional cultures that believe that their central mission is to fight and win wars. How many armies can one say that about today? In short, Indian and American soldiers are warriors. That deep commonality is not going to change in either military establishment,” Blackwill said last month. “In U.S. defense sales to India, we have gone from zero to almost $200 million in the past fourteen months, and are poised for far more ambitious interaction in this field, including the possible Indian purchase of defensive nuclear, biological and chemical equipment, special forces gear, and P-3 Orion Maritime Patrol aircraft.”

There is also increasing evidence that the U.S. ideally would like to establish access to military bases in India. Currently the Pentagon is undertaking a major review of the future of U.S. bases in Asia in order to have more flexibility in responding to regional crises and to deal with terrorism.

WASHINGTON MEETING MAPS OUT DEEPER TIES

Future military cooperation to build interoperability between U.S. and Indian armed forces, as well as more defense sales, were discussed at the U.S.-India Defense Policy Group meeting in Washington earlier this month.

Sources say the meeting, led by U.S. Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Douglas Feith and Indian Defense Secretary Ajay Prasad, was highly productive, highlighting the progress already made and the future potential in deepening defense ties.

As well as agreeing on more joint exercises, the two sides vowed to look at expanding defense trade, including the possible sales of P-3 Orion long-range maritime patrol aircraft, more counter terrorism equipment for India’s special operations forces, and materials to support India’s peacekeeping training capabilities.

Furthermore, officials agreed to expand discussions on longer-term defense strategy and planning.

In addition, the two sides agreed to establish a high-level dialogue on defense technology security issues.

The U.S. and India will also hold more talks on possible deeper missile defense cooperation.

These last two areas highlight the potential for progress, but also pitfalls, in closer defense ties.

ADVANCED DEFENSE SALES CAUSE PROBLEMS

Although in recent months the U.S. has sold India some advanced military equipment, there is still some reluctance in Washington to transfer sophisticated military equipment to India.

Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs Peter Rodman acknowledged that high-tech defense trade is a “difficult” area in the relationship, but that progress has been made of late.

The U.S. has sold India Firefinder weapon-locating radar, and gave the OK for the sale of the advanced Israeli Phalcon radar systems to India despite major reservations from Pakistan. The U.S. has lifted curbs on spares for Sea King helicopters, is moving to sell India new detection and protective equipment used in bio-chemical warfare, and appears closer to approving the sale of P-3 Orion maritime aircraft, which are seen as important to boost the long-range surveillance capabilities of the Navy.

ARROW SYSTEM SALE SEEN AS CRITICAL

However, the U.S. is still blocking the sale of other weapons on India’s wish-list, notably the Arrow-2 anti-missile system from Israel, which was jointly developed by Israel and the U.S., and the U.S.-made Patriot anti-missile system. Ideally India wants to be treated by the U.S. on par with NATO allies regarding weapons sales.

Many observers see the Arrow issue as a test-case of how far the U.S. is willing to go regarding weapons sales to India. Sale of the Arrow anti-ballistic missile system, built by Israel and Boeing Co., requires U.S. approval since Washington funded its development.

DIVISIONS OVER SALE

U.S. officials remain divided over the sale of the Arrow. Opponents of the Arrow deal still question the strength of India’s technology transfer regime. They also do not want to be seen as rewarding India, which like Pakistan, tested a nuclear weapon in 1998.

However, those in favor of the Arrow sale say India has a good -- and improving -- record of retaining control of advanced technology, and has given assurances it would not transfer U.S. know-how to other nations such as Iran, with which New Delhi has good relations with.

Enders Wimbush, a partner at the U.S. consulting firm Booz Allen Hamilton, said the two governments need to move beyond current constraints on technology transfer and cooperate to counter common security threats.

Wimbush was speaking at a recent U.S.-India meeting on high-tech cooperation involving both government and industry officials which recommended a number of steps the two nations should take to boost their defense trade relationship, such as repealing the Glenn Amendment to provide the Bush Administration with more flexibility in normalizing trade with India; further streamlining U.S. export controls towards India, including reviewing the U.S. Munitions List; and increasing dialogue with the Indian defense acquisition community concerning Indian defense priorities.

The meeting also called for a presidential statement that defines and publicizes the Bush Administration’s policy on defense cooperation with India.

Selig Harrison, director of the Asia program at the Center for International Policy in Washington, also believes that that the Arrow sale should be approved, and that overall, the U.S. needs to be more open to advanced weapons transfers to India.

“To sustain the improvement in Indo-U.S. relations since the end of the Cold War, the administration should … loosen restrictions that are sharply limiting U.S. -- and U.S.-licensed -- sales of military hardware and high technology to India,” Harrison said. “On the surface, there has been a striking improvement in U.S.-India military relations in recent years, symbolized by routine refueling of U.S. warships in Indian ports and seven joint exercises involving air, naval and special operations forces. But this new relationship has carried with it Indian expectations that the United States will sell it a greater range of military equipment.”

MISSILE DEFENSE COOPERATION

India wants the Israeli Arrow anti-missile system and the U.S. Patriot system mainly to counter the threat from Pakistan. “Even though the Pakistani missile threat has been characterized as ‘too many, too close,’ India is still interested in exploring missile defenses that might be helpful in preventing blackmail, even if they fall short of providing an effective defense against a large scale missile attack,” according to a recent report from the Atlantic Council in Washington. “As a result … Israeli and U.S. missile defense systems are of interest.”

However, the Atlantic Council notes that India is also interested in broader missile defense collaboration with the U.S.

The U.S. sees missile defense cooperation with India as one of the most exciting potential areas in bilateral defense ties -- with senior-level missile defense talks having already taken place with more discussions in the works, while India officials have also been invited to observe tests of U.S. anti-missile systems.

INDIA ATTRACTED TO CLOSER COOPERATION WITH U.S.

In what was a welcome surprise to Washington, New Delhi was quick to publicly endorse President George W. Bush’s ambitious missile defense initiative in 2001. “The move also signaled closer strategic alignment between India and the United States after relations were strained by India’s 1998 nuclear weapons tests,” the Atlantic Council report noted.

Part of India’s attraction to missile defense stems from its potential to deal with the problem of missile proliferation, some observers contend. “India has been powerless to deal with the proliferation of Chinese missiles and technology to Pakistan,” the Atlantic Council said. “From this viewpoint, many Indians are hopeful that U.S. missile defense technology will provide a counter to the proliferation of Chinese missile technology. Furthermore, to the extent that India can gain access to related U.S. technology, a U.S. missile defense might also complicate military planning in Pakistan, and weaken the deterrent effect of Pakistan’s nuclear force.

“Indeed, the benefits of research and development across the wide range of technologies involved in missile defense are attractive because of their potential applications well beyond the missile defense arena,” the Atlantic Council added. “While Indian officials are fully aware of tight U.S. restrictions on technology transfer, they also point out that India has done an excellent job in controlling its own nuclear weapons and missile technology, despite strong interest on the part of other countries.”

However, there are still some Indian concerns over closer cooperation with the U.S. on missile defense.

“For example, some argue that China may accelerate military programs to counter future U.S. missile defense systems, thus also enhancing China’s military potential with regard to India,” the Atlantic Council pointed out. “More worrisome is the possibility that some of these newly developed Chinese capabilities could be exported to India’s potential or current rivals, especially Pakistan. Similarly, some Indians worry that the United States might provide important missile defense technology to Pakistan. Military competition in space also seems to be a troubling area for India. Many, no doubt, also worry that the pattern of dramatic ups and downs in U.S.-Indian relations will be repeated at some point.”

DEFENSE TIES SEEN AS PART OF STRATEGIC ALLIANCE

Nevertheless, despite these concerns, U.S. observers are optimistic about closer missile defense cooperation with India -- with this cooperation seen in the context of better overall defense ties, and more broadly, the potential for a strategic alliance.

“A closer strategic relationship with the United States, including support for U.S. missile defense programs, enjoys broad backing in both of the leading political parties in India,” the Atlantic Council noted.

Indeed, the U.S. is looking to incorporate the deeper military ties into a broader security alliance with India. “To the advantage of the United States and India, such an alliance would augment the enormous shift in the correlation of forces already under way in Asia,” one U.S. observer said.

There is even some talk of the U.S. and India anchoring an “Asian NATO” made up of Asian-Pacific democracies.

As Blackwill noted in his parting words, “the Bush Administration perceives India as a strategic opportunity for the United States, not as an irritating recalcitrant.