US-India Friendship.net On-line resource for friends of India
Congress | News | Media | Viewpoints | Archives | Register | Links | Site Search
Contents
Write Your Reps
Caucus on India
Senate Caucus
Committees
Hearings/Resolutions
Privacy Policy
Home Page

Congressional Statements

Rep. Ackerman Calls for Sanctions-Free
U.S.-India Relations

Press Release
July 11, 2000

Congressman Gary L. Ackerman (D-N.Y.), Cochairman of the Congressional Caucus on India and Indian Americans, today called on the Clinton Administration to "usher in a sanctions-free relations with India."

Addressing an Indian American political gathering, Rep. Ackerman, a leading member of the House International Relations Committee, said: "I have consistently argued that our relations with India should not be held hostage by a single issue - Here, I am referring to our obsessive focus on getting New Delhi's signature on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, or CTBT.

"Because of this obsession - and the Indians, by the way, know full well that our own Senate has rejected the CTBT - I am afraid we may end up losing many other promising opportunities in U.S.-India relations.

"Continuing to keep India under a sanctions regime, despite the power given by Congress to the Executive to waive them, I believe, is myopic policy. We have to replace this myopia with enlightened vision."

Rep. Ackerman, India's most forceful advocate on the Hill, told the meeting organized by the Indian American Forum for Political Education: "India is a cacophonous and vibrant democracy and the Vajpayee Administration is trying to build a national consensus on the issue of signing the CTBT. In a multiparty democracy, it's not easy to carve a consensus on a contentious issue such as the CTBT.

"And our continuing with the sanctions regime against India - even after a successful Presidential trip - only adds to the problem. Sanctions are a blunt instrument and an unsuitable tool to be employed against a sister democracy."

He then asserted: "I believe it is time for the United States to usher in a sanctions-free relations with India."

The New York lawmaker continued: "On the one hand, we are pushing for Permanent Normal Trading Relations with China and are proposing to lift economic sanctions against North Korea - both of whom are totalitarian regimes; And on the other hand, we are obdurate about not lifting sanctions against India. That doesn't make much sense.

"Therefore, I strongly urge the Administration to initiate earnest moves to remove economic and dual use technology sanctions against New Delhi, Ackerman said, adding:

"Our aim, I believe, should be to remove the sanctions regime before Prime Minister Vajpayee visits Washington in September so that some genuine and lasting progress in our relations with New Delhi can be achieved."

Ackerman, who has visited India several times, the last one with President Clinton last March, said: "I believe Prime Minister Vajpayee's trip in September presents us with an enormous opportunity to build on the foundations laid by our President when he visited India. The Fall visit affords both nations a chance to redefine U.S.-India relationship. So what do I mean by that?

"I mean that the President and the visiting Prime Minister will have an opportunity to elevate our two nations' ties toward a 'strategic partnership' in South Asia recognizing New Delhi as a preeminent force for stability and peace in Asia. Such recognition provides the United States with the opportunity to establish a new paradigm in South Asia."

Full text of Rep. Ackerman's speech follows:

President Clinton's five-day 'Bhaarat Yatra' was a spectacular success -- by all counts. As a result, I am pleased to report to you today that the relationship between our two great nations, United States and India, is on the upswing. In one huge, historic sweep, the President cleared away the cobwebs of suspicion, mistrust and hostility that had piled up over the past 22 years in U.S.-India relations. In a dramatic fashion, the President turned a relationship hinged on estrangement into one based on engagement.

Also in this presidential trip --- the first since Jimmy Carter visited New Delhi 22 years ago --- the critical role the growing Indian American community has played in pushing for warmer U.S.-India relations not only came under sharp focus but was constantly applauded by the political and business leadership of both nations.

For the first time in U.S.-India relations, it was clearly established --- perhaps to the chagrin of some members of both nation's bureaucracies --- that the 1.5 million-strong Indian American community will have a decisive voice in shaping the relations between Washington and New Delhi.

Although the President displayed a great sense of understanding of the host nation's geopolitical and economic interests, he left his audiences with no doubts about our fundamental positions on issues such as nuclear non-proliferation, global trade, Kashmir and on the restart of India-Pakistan dialogue to bring about regional stability and security.

And in his much-closely watched address to the Pakistani people, he warned: "This era does not reward people who struggle in vain to redraw borders with blood."

The President's trip, I would submit, exceeded all expectations. In terms of atmospherics and tone nothing more could beat what we witnessed during our five days in India.

However, I must add that although the tone and atmospherics have changed in our engagement, the substance has not. We aren't there yet. But I am very optimistic that given the right kind of momentum from both Washington and New Delhi, we will get there. I, for one though, am very confident that unresolved issues between our two countries will ultimately get sorted out.

I believe that after this Presidential trip, U.S.-India relations will never be the same again - a new mindset is slowly, but surely, replacing the old paradigm and old suspicions believe the President's trip has set a new path for the 21st Century in our two great nations' relations.

I have been saying for some time that I believe the United States and India must move the bilateral relationship to a new plane, so that relations are conducted in a mature and confident way based on mutual trust.

This new relationship should completely discard the vestiges of old Cold War mistrust, old bugaboos, and unnecessary recriminations, and instead build on the hopes and aspirations of our two peoples; not on the fears and stereotypes of the past.

One important development in our relations, is the new cooperation between the United States and India on counter-terrorism issues. This cooperation is long overdue. I applaud this development.

I have consistently argued that our relations with India should not be held hostage by a single issue - Here, I am referring to our obsessive focus on getting New Delhi's signature on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, or CTBT.

Yes, nuclear non-proliferation is an important issue, but it should not be the only issue that determines the future of U.S.-India relations.

Because of this obsession - and the Indians, by the way, know full well that our own Senate has rejected the CTBT - I am afraid we may end up losing many other promising opportunities in U.S.-India relations.

Continuing to keep India under a sanctions regime, despite the power given by Congress to the Executive to waive them, I believe, is myopic policy. We have to replace this myopia with enlightened vision.

India is a cacophonous and vibrant democracy and the Vajpayee Administration is trying to build a national consensus on the issue of signing the CTBT. In a multiparty democracy, it's not easy to carve a consensus on a contentious issue such as the CTBT.

And our continuing with the sanctions regime against India - even after a successful Presidential trip - only adds to the problem. Sanctions are a blunt instrument and an unsuitable tool to be employed against a sister democracy. I believe it is time for the United States to usher in a sanctions-free relations with India.

On the one hand, we are pushing for Permanent Normal Trading Relations with China and are proposing to lift economic sanctions against North Korea - both of whom are totalitarian regimes; And on the other hand, we are obdurate about not lifting sanctions against India. That doesn't make much sense.

Therefore, I strongly urge the Administration to initiate earnest moves to remove economic and dual use technology sanctions against New Delhi.

Our aim, I believe, should be to remove the sanctions regime before Prime Minister Vajpayee visits Washington in September so that some genuine and lasting progress in our relations with New Delhi can be achieved.

I believe Prime Minister Vajpayee's trip in September presents us with an enormous opportunity to build on the foundations laid by our President when he visited India. The Fall visit affords both nations a chance to redefine U.S.-India relationship. So what do I mean by that?

I mean that the President and the visiting Prime Minister will have an opportunity to elevate our two nations' ties toward a 'strategic partnership' in South Asia recognizing New Delhi as a preeminent force for stability and peace in Asia. Such recognition provides the United States with the opportunity to establish a new paradigm in South Asia.

Let me make it clear that as cochairman of the Congressional Caucus on India and Indian Americans, I will continue to fight for the legitimate interests of the proud Indian American Community here in Washington and elsewhere. We have scored some spectacular victories on the Hill in our bid to push for better U.S.-India relations and I intend to press ahead for further gains. Your community's role - and this Forum's role - in this effort is very, very crucial and I urge you all to take very active interest in our nation's political process.

On the Hill today there is a deep reservoir of goodwill toward India. India is much better understood. Indian aspirations and accomplishments are much better appreciated. The Indian and Indian American genius is being recognized.

In short, most of my colleagues on the Hill want India and the Indian people to succeed and be a key player in the global arena - along with the United States. There is a sea change in the Hill's attitude toward India when compared to what it was in May of 1998.

Your community has to build on this and work unitedly to make your voice heard in Washington. I submit to you that members of the Indian American community collectively have to consolidate the gains that pro-Indian forces have made in the political arena and strive strenuously to advance the just causes of Indian Americans and India - in a united manner.

This is not the time to let your guard down - for adversaries of India and your community's interests are busy evangelizing their own brand of propaganda. You must be ever vigilant to protect the gains you have made and rebut the propaganda of adversarial forces.

India's friends on the Hill, I am confident, will do their best to clear the fog of anti-Indian propaganda and push for the evolution of a mature relationship between our two great countries.

Thank you and JAI HIND.

Capitol Hill Building, Washington DC USA
Capitol Hill Building, Washington DC USA